1989- The Protests of Tiananmen Square
Background
Historians and scholars of the 21st century will often reflect on the last decade, a period of great change. Special interest fell on the so-called 'Second World', a term given for the "communist" aligned nations during the Cold War. Namely for how it seemed to more or less come apart by the time. The communist parties of the various nations found themselves falling apart from internal fighting or from the anger of the populations. While a few have taken this to discredit communism, many scholars noted that most of the tensions were particularly ethnic-based more than anything else. The Communist Party of Russia's failure to address these tensions along with Russian predominance over the others led to major changes as more and more nations tired of being Russian puppet states. Of course, internal fighting and an inability to change and adapt with the times was also a predominant reasons. And one examination of this clash of values and its after-effects came over in the Spring of 1989 in the People's Republic of China.
Ever since the end of the Cultural Revolution with the death of Mao and the arest of the "Gang of Four", the Chinese Communist government has moved away from its hardline stance and began embracing pragmatic reforms to help develop their nation, especially after the damage by the Cultural Revolution. These reforms have proven successful in restoring and incresing productivity as well as decrease poverty. Despite this, issues began rising from all this. From the accusastions of corruption and nepotism from within the party and the various companies, to trying to figure out the optimal way of stabilizing the economy without threatening the so-called "
iron rice bowl" that a large percentage of the population relied on. With the job marketing becoming more limited, a growing number of intellectuals found themselves becoming more mired in political issues, especially over on universities. After all with a dismal job market and not many opportunities to be able to go abroad, they turned tot hat over in the hope for change. The education system was not able to produce highly skilled graduates to meet up with the demands. Even the socialist legitimacy of the party and nation was being questioned at the introduction of further capitalist practices.
Meanwhile, the pragmatic policies were driving a wedge over in the party, with two factions appearing. The reformers, led by the former Hu Yaobang, favored political liberalization and a plurality of ideas as a channel to voice popular discontent and pressed for further reforms. The hardliners meanwhile were led by
Chen Yun said that the reforms had gone too far and advocated a return to greater state control to ensure social stability and to better align with the party's socialist ideology. However, the main mover and shaker was still Deng Xiaoping, who was considered the "paramount leader" of China. While he was a reformer, he was also quite pragmatic with his followers and allies. As such was his relation with Zhao Ziyang thought the two would have an improved relationship thanks to the US opening more with China and with the USSR also mending ties, the two would often travel more together, with the exchange of ideas giving further clues to try and implement. All while the party was struggling further with finding a solution and some of the hardliners becoming more and more intimidated by protestors, to where Hu Yaobang would be ousted due to his suppsoed mishandling the protests and leading to the undermining of social stability.
All in all, a clash seemed inevitable.
The Student Protests
The spark for what would lead to the protests would be the sudden death of Hu Yaobang. Given his sudden death after his forced resignation, it led to quite a strong reaction. The student protestors began gathering together in larger numbers, putting posters to eulogize Hu Yaobang and what would start as public mourning would begin to morph into a larger and larger group, becoming a protest as they would martyr Yaobang and champion his ideals. To where the group would go and draft the Seven Demands that they were wanting from the government.
- Affirm Hu Yaobang's views on democracy and freedom as correct.
- Admit that the campaigns against spiritual pollution and bourgeois liberalization had been wrong.
- Publish information on the income of state leaders and their family members.
- Allow privately run newspapers and stop press censorship.
- Increase funding for education and raise intellectuals' pay.
- End restrictions on demonstrations in Beijing.
- Provide objective coverage of students in official media.
While a funeral would be held, it was deemed rushed by some of the students and few could stop the group of a hundred thousand strong body from trying to go and pay their respects over to Yaobang. As the days were going by, the protests were growing larger and more numerous, the young people demanding to be heard by their government and even beginning to come together and unionizing. The leadership was becoming alarmed as a result of the rise of these independent organizations. The protests however were starting to grow more violent and the people more upset. During this increase period of volatile feelings and the growing number of protests in the major cities of China, General Secretary Zhao would stress three major points: discourage students from further protests and ask them to go back to class, use all measures necessary to combat rioting, and open forms of dialogue with students at different levels of government. Meanwhile, Premier Li Peng called upon Zhao to condemn the protestors and recognize the need to take more serious action. Zhao dismissed Li's views.
Normally, there was planned visit to North Korea around the time, but it would be pushed back for differing reasons. One reason was over to the visitation of Mikhail Gorbachev, which would occur over right before the start of the protests. The men discussed various matters and patching the Sino-Soviet relationship. Zhao and Deng congratulated Gorbachev on his the success of his economic reforms and gathered information on how to perhaps finetune their own reforms, hoping that an optimal solution could be that would not only fix the economy, but do so to appear at least some of the hardliners. The other surprise that would come would be Gorbachev visiting once more as part of a different meeting, though this time it would not just be Gorbachev and some of his folk... but also that of newly elected American President Reubin Askew. It was both exciting and nervous for the Chinese as it wold led prestige to China becoming a greater power in having the two superpowers speak as if equals with them.
The US-Sino-Soviet Summit
The American government grew increasingly aware of the situation going on in China. Unsurprisingly, support laid for the student protestors though while some, including the Askew Administration had it out of genuine empathy and support for the students, others just enjoyed the Chinese government ending up in trouble. That said, concerns were still had over the visitation, but President Askew felt it was important to go anyway, especially with the growing unrest in the world and the likelihood that further involvement in foreign affairs will become increasingly common during his administration.
By the time he and Gorbachev arrived in China, the protests had continued. While the earlier concessions had yielded some results early on, the concern from some of the leaders over whether the government could be trusted to deliver any of their promises. As such, to try and ensure the momentum gathered, a hunger strike would be organized by the students. Early success was modest until
Chai Ling made an emotional appeal on the night before the strike was scheduled to begin. Unsurprisingly, the hunger strikes were gathering the support of many and there was a concern at a potential loss of face over said protests happening and would begin fracturing further some of those on the part for it happening, with Zhao wanting to go for concessions and discussions and Li Peng wanting a more hardline stance involving the military.
However, Reubin Askew was unsurprisingly sympathic and he would do his best to maintain optimism and a positive view during the meeting, even assuring Zhao and Deng on the matter. President Askew noted how it reminded of the protests back in America decades prior over for such civil rights and how important they were for the well-being of all. He congratulated Zhao on his approach for reasoning along with giving his respect to Deng. Meanwhile, as the various members and agents talked, one concern that was brough up over to Zhao and Deng as well as Gorbachev was on the possibility that the hardliners may try and push for more radical action that would only lead to destabilization over in the long run.
Said warnings would become more prophetic than realized when Li Peng would attempt to try and circumvent Zhao to rally support for the hardliners. If not declare martial law and involve much of the military, increased crackdown and some force to be showed. However, with this coming just after Zhao tried to set up for further discussions. Said actions were not taken due to the concerns some of the military had and would even check up with Deng. Deng would reveal he did not support such an action and would grow rather upset that Li Peng would try and do such a thing, especially during such a situation right now ehre.
However, perhaps one of the more fascinating bits of the summit was an urban legend that would arise. Apparently, on the last hours of the final day, rumor had it that during a talk between Askew and his folk, he was asked on the protestors. While sympathetic, one comment in particular stood out. Namely, he noted that for the accusations that some of the party hardliners were giving toward the protestors on "bourgeois liberalism", that the party themselves would actually be closer to the real "bourgeois", on account of being the ones in charge. The urban legend stated that this would be overheard by a sympathizer within the government who would then spread it down to the protestors where it would grow and evolve, becoming the idea that the Community party was becoming corrupt. Given the growing accusations of cronyism, nepotism and the like, it was a sentiment that spread rapidly, along with the notion of the students being the "true" proletariat. This would further unite the varying factions of the movement, now unified as being "anti-corruption" and "pro-Communist", with the more radical elements detailing that the ruling party was communist in name only, filled with members who have lost touch with their ideals and become drunk on their own power.
Aftermath
While Li's actions were prevented, it permanantly dmaged relations with Deng, who kept in mind the words exchanged regarding trouble within his party. Additionally, after more than a week of the hunger strike, Zhao would go to the protestors and give a final speech over to them:
"Students, we came late. We are sorry. You talk about us, criticize us, it is all necessary. The reason that I came here is not to ask you to forgive us. All I want to say is that students are getting very weak. It is the 7th day since you went on a hunger strike. You can't continue like this. [...] You are still young, there are still many days yet to come, you must live healthily, and see the day when China accomplishes the Four Modernizations. You are not like us. We are already old. It doesn't matter to us anymore. You are the future and you will become its builders. "
Zhao's emotional speech was applauded by many of the students present there. Moreover though, this along with the news that would be overheard with what was going on in the Soviet Union and the rumors of Li Peng's actions regarding potential military movement, the hunger strike would cease, with the credit being attributed to Zhao's speech of compassion and concern, something of the students noted while others said that they would switch tactics, focusing on local politics though noting that they will not let up on this continued corruption and will keep coming. Despite this, the end of the strike and protests on the larger level would serve as a final point for Deng.
When the PSC met with military leaders and party elders, Deng noted on the crisis being averted and congraulted Zhao for doing everything needed and not escalating to violence. However, the same would not be said over to Li Peng, as his attempts of going behind Deng's back was not appreciated. Deng would make his stance clear in that he could not trust Li Peng and resolved to have him step down from his position over from premier along with targeting his supporters over the next upcoming months, giving a second wind over to the reformers with some of the hardliners now in growing concern.
Meanwhile, the protests going on in China against corruption, cronyism and so on would influence those even beyond its borders, including those over in their neighbor south of them in India...
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Information and phrasing coming from here:
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1989_Tiananmen_Square_protests