Chapter 74: Diadochos
Cadets of the Hellenic Military Academy partaking in field exercises
Founded on the 1st of August 1827 by then Governor of Greece Ioannis Kapodistrias, the Military College of the Hellenic Army was a formal military institution for the training and development of professional artillery officers for the Hellenic Army in the mold of the Royal Military College in the UK and the École Polytechnique in France. The Academy would originally be located within the former capital city of Nafplion but would later move to the tiny farming hamlet of Kypseli on the northern environs of Athens in 1831 where it was rechristened as the Hellenic Military Academy. The Academy itself was a rather modest school at first, initially comprised of just four old buildings and a modest parade ground/training field, which had once been a farmstead in its previous life.
The Cadets of the Academy, christened
Evelpids (the Hopefuls) by Governor Kapodistrias, were envisioned to be Greece’s hope for a better future and the builders of a better Greece.[1] Upon their graduation from the Evelpidon (a common euphemism for the Academy), these men would be commissioned as Anthypolochagoi (Lieutenants) in the Hellenic Army where they would serve primarily as artillery officers and engineers. However, once their military careers inevitably came to an end the Evelpids were expected to continue serving Greece in new roles as politicians, civil servants, scientists, doctors, teachers, and businessmen.
Despite its noble ambitions as an all-encompassing military college and the best intentions of its staff, the Hellenic Military Academy would struggle to fulfill its mission largely due to significant shortfalls in funding during the first few years of its life. With the nation still engulfed in war during the late 1820’s and the Government laden with debt, there remained precious few resources that could be spared to the institute. Sadly, the end of the war didn’t help matters as the Academy (along with much of the Greek Military) would experience slight cuts to their funding during the 1830’s as the Greek Government attempted to resolve its debt crisis through desperate measures. Because of this, the Academy’s first graduating class in 1830 only numbered 7 students, while the following two graduating classes were even lower at 4 and 5 respectively.
This would all change thanks to the First Greek Economic Boom of the late 1830’s which would see the Greek economy explode as a result of good investments on the part of the Greek government to rebuild the country following the War. As a result, funding for the Academy would increase nearly fourfold between 1838 and 1843 enabling the school to renovate its dilapidated buildings and allocate funds for the construction and purchase of new ones. Additionally, new instructors were hired, and better equipment was acquired for the cadets, while the class sizes gradually increased from a small handful of 7 in 1830 to nearly 20 by 1844. While the influx of more coin was certainly appreciated and would aid the school immensely, the Hellenic Military Academy wouldn’t truly come into its own as a military institute and place of learning until the appointment of Colonel Spyridon Milios as the Academy’s Commandant in 1838.
During his tenure at this post, Colonel Spyrosmilios would refine the Academy’s cadet handbook and would scrupulously outline the regulations for all cadets and permanent part personnel at the Academy. Under the direction of Prime Minister Ioannis Kapodistrias, Colonel Spyrosmilios would also address several other aspects of the Military Academy’s organization, including the formal establishment of training at 4 years (up from 3), while admission to the academy was set at the minimum age of 16, later upped to 18 in 1847. Additionally, the Academy would wave all tuition costs for the Cadets in return for 10 years of continuous active duty military service upon their graduation from the Academy. Most importantly, Colonel Spyrosmilios would reorient the curriculum of the school towards the production of good, well rounded leaders, not just good officers.
Colonel Spyridon "Spyros" Milios, Commandant of the Hellenic Military Academy from 1838 to 1844
As part of this shift in focus, training was split equally between military training in the field and scholastic pursuits in the classroom. Military training for the young cadets encompassed a variety of fields, ranging from general physical fitness to instilling good order and discipline. Drill was also given a high priority as the Evelpidon sought to instill discipline, precision, and a good attention for details in all its cadets. Field Exercises were the culmination of this training, with Cadets often being sent out into the Greek countryside to put what they had learned to the test. These exercises often ranged from land navigation to simple problem solving, and sword fights to shooting practice.
Going hand in hand with military training was the school’s emphasis on engineering, with the cadets being taught the intricacies of both civil and combat engineering while at the Academy. Naturally, this incurred that the curriculum at the Academy would be tailored towards physics, mathematics, and the sciences, but the arts and humanities were also given prominent slots at the Academy, providing students with a broad, all-encompassing education. Although it could never be compared to the likes of Oxford or Cambridge or even the University of Athens and the Evangelical School of Smyrna; the Hellenic Military Academy would still provide a quality education for its students, making them masters of their respective fields upon their graduation.
Because of this, the school attracted a relatively high number of applicants every year. Yet, due to the limited needs of the Hellenic Army during this time of peace, thousands of applicants usually had to compete for a small handful of slots, usually numbering between 15 and 20 seats in any given year. Enrollment at the school was open to all male citizens of Greece of military age, provided they met all the necessary criteria for enrollment which included among other things: a superb scholastic record, excellent physical health, a strong moral character, and completion of the school’s rigorous entrance exam. Yet, scoring well on the entrance exams did not guarantee admittance to the Academy, with many such candidates being turned away despite boasting near perfect scores or pristine resumes.
The Crown Prince of Greece’s admission to the Hellenic Military Academy in the Fall of 1852 would fly in the face of this established criteria as his scholastic records were relatively average, his physical ability was severely lacking, and he hadn’t even taken the entrance exam prior to his admission to the Academy. Yet thanks to the influence of his father, King Leopold he was admitted even when he did not deserve it. In the Prince’s defense it wasn’t his decision to make as it had been pushed by his father, King Leopold in a last-ditch effort to make something respectable out of his laggard son.
Prince Constantine in the Uniform of an “Evelpids” Cadet
Although Prince Constantine would be initially distraught at his sudden “exile” from the Palace he had called home for the last 18 years; the time spent away from his overbearing father would be of great benefit to him. Within a week of his arrival at the Hellenic Military Academy, the Prince quickly found himself surrounded by many of the Academy’s cadets who flocked to ingratiate themselves with the future king. Many of these boys and young men were quite familiar to Constantine as they themselves were the sons of various politicians or military officers. Several had even grown up with the Prince at Court thanks to their fathers' prominence in the government. Though he was a bashful young man, Constantine had no trouble establishing what can best be described as an informal court at Kypseli, complete with his own advisors and retainers who proved invaluable in easing the Prince’s transition to life at the Academy. Whether these men sought to capitalize on his status as heir to the Greek throne for their own personal gain or they genuinely wished to befriend the Prince, none can truly say though.
Outside of the few followers he had gathered at the Academy, Prince Constantine also had the unconditional support of his mother Queen Marie, his brother Alexander, and his sister Katherine who regularly visited him, uplifting his dour spirits and raising his flagging morale. Queen Marie in particularly, would become a frequent figure at the Academy arriving every Sunday morning to attend church with Constantine. In the afternoons, she would stroll the school grounds and meet with Constantine’s companions, taking joy in their accomplishments, consoling them on their defeats and listening to their aspirations of greatness and glory with bated breath and earnest interest.
In contrast, old King Leopold would make only the slightest of efforts to keep in contact with his eldest son, usually in the form of a short letter each month which normally contained some contrived words of wisdom or generic piece of advice for Constantine. This lack of communication between father and son suited the Prince well enough given the poor relationship that existed between them, but Constantine could not help but feel like he had been abandoned by his father in a way. Rather than take Constantine into his confidence or lend him the support and encouragement he desperately craved for; Leopold had instead pushed his son away, sending him to the Evelpidon where he was out of sight and out of mind. Despite this support from his peers and family (his father not included), Constantine would still face his fair share of hardships at the Academy, both academic and physical.
In the classroom, Prince Constantine was a rather average student, often ranking in the middle of his class of 19. Though he was by no means unintelligent - he was in fact quite knowledgeable on several matters - the Prince often had trouble applying himself to topics that did not interest him. Of the curriculum taught at the Academy, history, economics, military strategy, and linguistics were generally considered to be his strongest fields, but he would struggle with mathematics, the sciences and the arts, the last of which in particular he deemed unworthy of his efforts due to its subjective and frivolous nature.[2] While he was a decent enough student in the classroom, Prince Constantine was a rather abysmal soldier on the training field.
In terms of his shooting, marching, drill, military bearing, dress and appearance, Prince Constantine was almost certainly a failure, often scoring at or right above the bottom of his class. His aim with the antiquated Land Pattern Musket was notoriously bad, as he almost always missed his targets during practice by embarrassingly wide margins. When marching, Constantine was routinely out of step and his uniforms were frequently dirty, ill-fitted and fraying at the edges. His physical endurance and strength were also lacking as he often had to fall out of formation while marching due to poor stamina and he had trouble moving even the lightest of loads.
Despite his mediocre physical abilities, Prince Constantine was not a terrible swordsman as his gangly long arms and legs gave him an innate advantage over his stockier sparring partners. Yet, when paired against a more skilled opponent it was clear that the Prince lacked any significant talent with the sword. Only Prince Constantine’s horsemanship could be considered commendable, as years of practice had helped Constantine improve considerably since the embarrassing fiasco in London seven years prior. Although he was by no means a master horseman, his tenacity over the years had paid dividends as he had become a respectable rider by the Fall of 1852. Sadly, this was not enough when contrasted against Constantine’s other, more numerous failings.
Given his poor performance in his education and training, it is likely that Constantine would have been removed from the Academy’s roster were he any other cadet, sparing the school and the Prince further embarrassment. Instead, the Prince would be forced to continue through this crucible for day after day and week after week thanks to his father’s incessant desire to see him ascend beyond his current ability. As the weeks and months ground onward, Constantine eventually began to accept his new environment and make the best of it, but in late December 1852 this would all change as King Leopold would up-end Constantine’s life once again. On the 23rd of December 1852, the Prince received a letter from his father, that would change everything; a letter which announced that he was now formally betrothed to Grand Duchess Anna Mikhailovna of Russia.
Grand Duchess Anna Mikhailovna of Russia
Grand Duchess Anna Mikhailovna was the youngest daughter of Grand Duke Michael Pavlovich who was himself the younger brother of Russian Tsar Nicholas I, making her the niece of the Russian Emperor. Anna Mikhailovna was an attractive young woman at the ripe age of 18 come the Fall of 1852 with a good figure and lively eyes. She was also incredibly graceful, well-mannered and quite an intelligent young woman. Anna was also something of a boisterous tomboy as her father lacking a son, had introduced her to the intricacies of the Russian Army; teaching her the finer points of cavalry and infantry warfare, what the differences were between various bugle calls and drumbeats, and what the various colours, symbols, and guidons used by the Russian Army represented. When former British Ambassador to Greece, Lord Lyons heard of the engagement, he famously quipped that the marriage between the prudish Constantine and the brash Anna would be akin to a marriage between a nun and a soldier.
The revelation of his betrothal to Grand Duchess Anna Mikhailovna came as a great shock to Prince Constantine, as there had been little talk of his marriage to anyone when he was still living at the Palace. What had been discussed was generally vague and often regarded the strengthening of Greece’s, or rather the House of Coburg’s connection with the House of Romanov, via a marriage to the Grand Duchess Alexandra Alexandrovna, eldest daughter of Tsarevich Alexander Nikolayevich. Yet given her young age of 11 in 1852, it was clear that Leopold had not been in any rush to arrange an engagement between Constantine and Alexandra at the time. By December, this had all apparently changed, as King Leopold was now in the process of finalizing the marriage contract between with Anna’s father Grand Duke Michael, while Grand Duchess Alexandra Alexandrovna was now an afterthought. For King Leopold to make such an important decision so suddenly was highly unlike his cautious father, incurring to Constantine that something had happened to necessitate such an act. The Prince would soon learn the reason behind his father’s quick about face.
In late November, his father had been left him bedridden for several days by a terrible case of gallstones which prevented him from sleeping or eating. Over the span of a week, King Leopold’s health had rapidly collapsed as a result, leaving many to fear that the King was on his deathbed. Although he would eventually recover once the stone was found and destroyed by the Physician Ioannis Vouros, the entire ordeal had left him exhausted and terribly weak. Unable to perform his duties as King for several days, King Leopold became acutely aware of how precarious his succession truly was with only Constantine and Alexander to succeed him should he die. Having spent his entire life vying for a throne of his own, Leopold would not risk jeopardizing his family’s grip on Greece and moved to solidify the Coburg’s standing for generations to come. On the 1st of December, less than a week after his surgery, King Leopold would approach the Russian Ambassador to Greece, Gabriel Antonovich Katakazi to arrange a marriage contract between Crown Prince Constantine and Grand Duchess Anna Mikhailovna.
[3]
The “Illness” of King Leopold
Over the course of the next few weeks, the finer details of the marriage contract would be hammered out by Greek and Russian diplomats. As part of the deal, there would be two identical marriage ceremonies with the first taking place in the Grand Church of the Winter Palace in St. Petersburg on the 27th of April 1853, while the second ceremony would take place a month later on the 30th of May in the Church of Agia Eirini in Athens. In keeping with tradition, Tsar Nicholas would make Constantine an honorary Colonel of the Lieb Guard’s Izmaylovsky Regiment, just as Tsar Paul had done for Leopold so long ago in honor of his sister’s wedding to Grand Duke Constantine. Only, the matter of Anna’s dowry was left largely unresolved in the first round of negotiations, but a framework had been put in place for its resolution when next they met.
Despite rushing into the arrangement, Leopold was quite pleased with himself as the marriage between Constantine and Grand Duchess Anna Mikhailovna would strengthen Greece’s ties with Russia and hopefully safeguard his legacy for another generation. Grand Duke Michael was similarly pleased with the outcome of negotiations as his youngest daughter would become a Queen in her own right one day and her children would inherit the Greek throne. Further her marriage to Constantine would help bring Greece back into Russia’s orbit. The only ones unhappy with the marriage ironically, were Constantine and Anna themselves. Upon learning of the betrothal, Constantine was absolutely irate that his father had made such a momentous decision about his life without so much as consulting him, let alone informing him before it was all but settled. Anna for her part was similarly appalled, appalled that she would be marrying the spindly and dreadfully dull Crown Prince of Greece. The thought of leaving her beloved Russia for distant, provincial Greece saddened the poor girl and wrung at her soul. Sadly for the betrothed, the matter was out of their control. Constantine was recalled from the Hellenic Military Academy in early March, 1853 and set out for Russia soon after alongside his father and brother aboard the new screw frigate
VP Spetsai.
[4]
The journey for the Greek ship to Russia would be rather quiet and uneventful, before making an unexpected layover in the British city of Portsmouth when members of the crew reported that a problem had developed with the ship’s engine. Despite the delay, the
Spetsai would still make excellent time, having managed to travel at a constant 7 knot throughout the entire journey and arrived in St. Petersburg on the 22nd of April, slightly behind schedule, but not egregiously so. Departing their ship, King Leopold, Prince Constantine and Prince Alexander would then make their way to the Winter Palace where they paid their respects to Tsar Nicholas and Tsarina Alexandra Feodorovna, thanking him for his hospitality and graciousness in hosting the wedding ceremony between Constantine and Anna. With the formalities out of the way, Leopold dismissed his sons to explore the city, while he, Tsar Nicholas and Grand Duke Michael talked business. After several hours of heated negotiation, Michael would agree to pay an impressive sum of £40,000 on the day of the wedding, while Nicholas would provide his niece with an annual allowance of £6,000. With these final matters resolved, the last few days before the wedding passed quickly until the day of the destiny arrived.
The morning of the 27th would be relatively mild by Russian standards and apart from a smattering of clouds in the distance, the sky was clear. King Leopold, Crown Prince Constantine, his brother Prince Alexander, and a small number of Greek dignitaries made their way to the Grand Church of the Winter Palace, followed soon after by a horde of Russian nobles, magnates, priests and ministers who rushed to fill the chamber. Several foreign noblemen were also in attendance to pay their respects to the newly-weds and observe that day’s events. Among them were Sir George Hamilton Seymour representing Britain, Charles de Morny, Duc de Morny representing France, King Leopold’s longtime friend Archduke John of Austria, Prince Friedrich of Prussia, Prince Karl of Wurrtemberg, Prince Friedrich Wilhelm of Hesse, Duke Maximilian of Leuchtenberg, and Duke Peter of Oldenburg among many others. The last to arrive before the ceremony officially began was Tsar Nicholas, his wife Tsarina Alexandra Feodorovna and his son Tsarevich Alexander. Once the guest of honor was seated, the choir began the first hymn and the wedding service began.
The ceremony that followed was as spectacular as it was long, lasting well over three and a half hours from beginning to end thanks to cascade of speakers and songs. The ceremony was so long that Prince Alexander and his cousins Duke Ernest II, Prince Friedrich and Tsarevich Alexander frequently switched places as Constantine’s best man while Anna’s sisters Grand Duchess Elizabeth Mikhailovna and Grand Duchess Alexandra Mikhailovna did the same as Anna’s maid of honor. Anna for her part was garbed in a ravishing white lace dress with intricate silver embroidery, complete with an exquisite diadem of diamonds on loan from her aunt, Tsarina Alexandra Feodorovna. Contrasting this marvelous image of opulence and beauty was the simple looking Prince Constantine who was adorned in the rather plain uniform of a Greek cavalry officer. To his credit, the spindly Greek Prince looked his best and performed admirably despite the prolonged nature of the whole event and his reluctance to actually take part in the wedding.
The Marriage of Prince Constantine of Greece and Grand Duchess Anna Mikhailovna of Russia
Thankfully for all present, the service would eventually draw to a close as the vows were exchanged between the new husband and wife, mercifully bringing the ceremony to an end. What followed would be a grand celebration in the Winter Palace that carried on well into the night as Tsar Nicholas attempted to over awe his Greek guests with a great show of extravagance. The new couple would then spend the next three days in Ropsha for their "honeymoon" before returning to St. Petersburg on the 1st of May. At noon, King Leopold, Prince Constantine, Prince Alexander, and the Greek dignitaries thanked Tsar Nicholas and bade their farewells to the Russian court before taking to their ship and departing for Greece. Similarly, Grand Duchess Anna Mikhailovna, her father Grand Duke Michael, and their own respective entourage followed suit, bidding Tsar Nicholas farewell before leaving in similar manner aboard the Russian frigate
Diana.
The return journey to Greece would not be entirely uneventful however, as the Russian frigate soon came under scrutiny by a squadron of the British Channel Fleet when it attempted to pass through the English Channel. Initially this sparked concern among the British sailors of an attack on British shores, but when they saw the Greek ensign above the
Spetsai and King Leopold appeared on deck to greet the English sailors, the situation eased and the two ships were permitted to depart in peace. Two weeks later the
Spetsai and
Diana would arrive at the port of Piraeus, prompting jubilation from the crowds that had gathered at the docks, especially when young Anna appeared before them in a ravishing white and blue ensemble.
From the docks at Piraeus, the royal party would then take the train to Athens where they would be met by representatives of the Greek Government and were then transported by carriage to the Royal Palace. The next week was filled with celebrations and merriment on the part of all except for the newly wedded couple as Constantine generally kept to himself, while Anna quickly developed a strong rapport with her new sister in law Katherine. When the 30th of May arrived, the second wedding ceremony would mirror the previous wedding almost exactly, with the only definable difference being a much shorter length at only two hours as opposed to the excruciating three and a half of the first. The guest list at the second wedding was similarly much reduced as many of the prolific Princes, Dukes, and Grand Dukes in attendance at St. Petersburg had chosen to skip the second ceremony in Athens. The notable exception to this was Prince Albert of Saxe-Coburg and Gotha, husband of Queen Victoria of Great Britain who had not been at the wedding in St. Petersburg only to be present for the second wedding in Athens. Politics, and a personal aversion to all things Russian, had prevented Victoria or Albert from attending their cousin Constantine’s wedding in St. Petersburg, but this was not the case with Greece which was a friend and ally of Britain, allowing Victoria to dispatch Albert to their cousin’s wedding in her stead. When it came time for Constantine and Anna to say their vows, they did so with a solemn resolve all too common in arranged marriages.
Still, when all was said and done, the two settled into their new roles as husband and bride rather easily. Prince Constantine would return to his military training soon after the second wedding, although he would return to the Palace periodically to perform his "duties" as a husband. Meanwhile, Anna joined Queen Marie and Princess Katherine in performing various charitable activities across Athens, visiting orphanages, meeting with foreign dignataries, and raising donations for the poor. After spending a month in Greece, Grand Duke Michael bid his beloved daughter farewell, before departing for home. Little more than a week later, Anna would announce that she was pregnant with Constantine’s child sending shockwaves of excitement and joy throughout the country. This era of good tidings would not last long however, as at the ripe old age of 83 Prime Minister Ioannis Kolettis died in office, setting off a political crisis the likes of which had yet to be seen in Greece.
Next Time: Gilded Greece
[1] Per OTL.
[2] A trait that Prince Constantine’s OTL counterpart, Leopold II shared as well.
[3] Gabriel Antonovich Katakazi was in fact a member of the Greek diaspora in service to the Russian crown. Born in Constantinople in 1794, Katakazi’s father, Anton Katakazi moved their family to the Russian Empire in 1807. During his time in Russia, Katakazi would serve as a deputy to then Russian Foreign Minister Ioannis Kapodistrias, he was also connected to the Ypsilanti family through the marriage of his older brother Constantine to Catherine Ypsilanti, sister of Alexander and Demetrios Ypsilantis. After the Greek War of Independence, Gabriel Antonovich Katakazi would be appointed Ambassador to Greece by Tsar Nicholas of Russia, a post he would hold from 1833 to 1843. However, he was adversarial towards King Otto and supported the establishment of a Greek Constitution, which went against the orders of St. Petersburg. For his efforts in aiding the September Revolution of 1843, he was removed from his post. As Greece was founded as a Constitutional Monarchy in 1831, this entire episode is averted and Katakazi is still the Russian Ambassador to Greece.
[4] VP or ΒΠ stands for
Vassilikón Ploíon, meaning Royal Ship or His Hellenic Majesty’s Ship.
