The eagle's left head

Not much on that beyond Angevin Provence having about 400,000 people. And underestimating Charles would be wrong. From what we know he was no worse than his father who was pretty capable.
There is always the possibility of contemporaries assigning more virtues to the bold, young heir who died before his time. Especially if his father is the most important patron of arts in Italy and possibly Europe. It was a trope in medieval literature after all.

Robert was certainly a capable monarch and was lauded as such by the poets of his court. However, the more I read of him, he strikes me as someone without a clear objective when it comes to strategy. He tried to do a little of everything: dominate central and northern Italy, reclaim Sicily, control the Papacy, influence and control the Principality of Morea. In the end, by trying to follow so many strategic objectives he failed in all of them. I don't think it is coincidence that so soon after his death, his kingdom basically broke down. Even how he dealt with his Hungarian cousins and Andrew's position is an example how he tried to have his cake and eat it too.

Antgonus, Seleucus snd Lysimachus might have a few words to say on that... but that's for another TL.
Excellent examples!

Interestingly they did field a much larger fleet earlier on. By by this point they never mobilized more than half a dozen galleys which when the Hospital had revenues in the order of 180,000 ducats a year is interesting.
I think I have read that the larger fleet of the 1300s and 1310s had few large galleys and the rest were small ships. I cannot find it, but in an example of a fleet of 24 ships, 3 were galleys.

Later on, in the 1360s, they were able to send only 4 galleys to Cyprus. If they had been receiving tithes from their vast land holdings around Europe, then there is no reason to have an even reduced number. But if they depended on their Dodecanese resources, it makes sense to have a reduced strength post-plague. I think the local chapters kept that income for themselves. At least the iberian chapters did so.

John II of Montferrat is Alexandros first cousin, his father was Adrienne's brother.
After the battle of Gamenario he partionedthe angevin county of Piedmont with his Visconti allies. At this point, his army would include Otto von Brunswick-Grubenhagen.

Too low level to matter for the story at the moment. :p
Indeed. But Anavatos is awesome and I was looking for an opportunity to show that castle-town. :D

For now I don't see any good potential clients... Albanian clans excluded. Thessaloniki is... more complicated. Constantinople under either the regency or Kantakouzenos can't afford to let Thessaloniki go.
The certainly cannot endorse such thing. But they cannot also do anything about it, as long as the city is receiving lascarid grain and has the support of the Despotate. By 1349/50, Lascarid Greece will be seen as a much more reliable source of grain and military support than the devastated Thrace. In OTL there was simply no other solution for Thessaloniki. Athens is a much better protector in all aspects. But of course, Constantinople can maintain a legal figleaf, as in the case when Orsini was appointed kephale of Ioannina. Constantinople may accept the de facto situation, if not de jure, or run the risk of losing the North Aegean Islands as well, with the major income they get from there. I would argue that with the devastation of Thrace by multiple mercenary armies, the islands and Phocaea are even more important now.
 
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I think I have read that the larger fleet of the 1300s and 1310s had few large galleys and the rest were small ships. I cannot find it, but in an example of a fleet of 24 ships, 3 were galleys.

Later on, in the 1360s, they were able to send only 4 galleys to Cyprus. If they had been receiving tithes from their vast land holdings around Europe, then there is no reason to have an even reduced number. But if they depended on their Dodecanese resources, it makes sense to have a reduced strength post-plague. I think the local chapters kept that income for themselves. At least the iberian chapters did so.
Why? At least the Iberian Chapters had the excuse that they were fighting infidels in Iberia.
 
Why? At least the Iberian Chapters had the excuse that they were fighting infidels in Iberia.
I am not sure. But certainly they had a lot of land. The debt they raised when they bought the Templars' holdings stood at 580k florins. That debt was paid off by 1334. However, the bankruptcy of the three florentine banks was a dire blow: the Hospital lost 360k florins and had to restrict the number of brethren in Rhodes.

Another irrelevant thought of mine, is about barons during the late reign of Robert. It seems that in Abruzzo there was open warfare between barons. Lalle Camponeschi would go against the orders of the Crown and attack his enemies at L'Aquila and seized control of the city while Robert was still alive. As soon as Camponeschi learned of Robert's death, he exiled his defeated enemies. He was an enemy of Robert and the Tarantines and perhaps the most important local ally of Louis of Hungary.

Why is this so important ? In the 15th century L'Aquila was the second biggest city of the kingdom. I don't know about its demographics in mid-14th century, but certainly it was a major population center and also a major textile producer. It seems that the city did not follow Naples' orders and kept low export taxes for its textiles. By all means, it seems that such important city was semi-autonomous within the Regno. Overall, I think that it indicates that the centrifugal forces apparent in Joanna's reign had their origin earlier on.
 
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As soon as Camponeschi learned of Robert's death, he exiled his defeated enemies. He was an enemy of Robert and the Tarantines and perhaps the most important local ally of Louis of Hungary.

Why is this so important ? In the 15th century L'Aquila was the second biggest city of the kingdom. I don't know about its demographics in mid-14th century, but certainly it was a major population center and also a major textile producer. It seems that the city did not follow Naples' orders and kept low export taxes for its textiles. By all means, it seems that such important city was semi-autonomous within the Regno. Overall, I think that it indicates that the centrifugal forces apparent in Joanna's reign had their origin earlier on.
Enough to defect to the Lascarids? Or help them indirectly?
 
Enough to defect to the Lascarids? Or help them indirectly?
He seemed to seek offices in the Regno and more land in Abruzzo. Theodore cannot offer such boons. But indirectly? I think he will be the first to rally behind another angevin claimant to the throne, even more readily than in OTL since the royal army will be preoccupied. But even without Lajos or Gravina seeking the throne, I think Camponeschi will conserve his resources in his newly acquired holding. I doubt that Charles III will receive assistance by L'Aquila. Camponeschi could also try to expand his domain in Abruzzo on his own while Charles is throwing all his forces against the Despotate. He did attack is opponents while Robert was still alive after all. Abruzzo politics seem to have been dominated by semi-autonomous nobles in OTL. That trend can be reinforced by the preoccupation of the royal forces and effectively take the region out of the war effort with barons going at each other's throats and defending themselves against an expansionist Camponeschi.

EDIT: What does chaos in Abruzzo mean? In OTL the region had 14,9% of the total population and provided 14,7% of the total taxes. In TTL, with Calabria lost to the Lascarids, Abruzzo stands for 18,5% of the population and 18,49% of the taxes. The importance of L'Aquila and the damage Camponeschi can cause has relatively increased.
 
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Part 57
Avignon, January 1345

Pope Clement VI assigned to Charles III the tithes of the kingdom of Sicily and Provence for the coming year. It was a welcome addition to Charles revenues particularly in view of the recent collapse of several Florentine banks after king Edward III of England had failed to pay his loans to them. Charles wasn't the only one who had been affected by the Florentine banking crisis as the knights of St John had also lost 360,000 florins deposited to them.

Durazzo, February 1345

Louis, king of Albania complained as his sister Euphemia brought him to the great galley. It was not surprising the king was just 7 years old and had spent most of the last year with doom just a few steps away as the Serbs kept pressing on with their siege of Durazzo. But now the siege was over, the Serbs had managed to break through after eleven months and the city had surrendered. But Louis and his family would not be going to Naples. Barcelona and their cousin Peter IV looked a much better idea.

Genoa, March 1345

Genoa was once more on the verge of civil war as Charles Grimaldi lord of Monaco and his supporters raised a fleet of 30 galleys against the commune. But the commune would not stay idle either with commoners mobilizing by public subscription a fleet of 26 galleys with three more galleys provided by by the nobles of the city. Despite their fleet being equal in numbers to the republican fleet under Simone Vignoso the rebels would not dare take it on fleeing to Marseilles instead. But the agents of king Charles would not let such an opportunity go lost. Eighteen galleys would be hired by the kingdom of Naples.

Messina, March 1345

Admiral Alexios Gryphon raised his standard, unsurprisingly a griffon, in his flagship. Back at the time of the vespers Bartolomeo Grifeo Maniace, coming from a family claiming to be descended from Leo Phokas the younger, and through marriage with the Crisafi family George Maniakes, had played a leading role in the revolt of Messina and her defense against Charles I of Anjou and then had become a close friend of Alexandros Vatatzes. His son Giovanni had stayed loyal to house Vatatzes in 1315, perhaps unsurprisingly so given his marriage to Maria Philanthropenos and rivalry with the Chiaramonte, even if it had cost him the family's barony of Partanna in the west of Sicily, and for good measure had start calling himself Ioannis Grypaios. It had payed off handsomely as his son's Alexios, born in 1309, could now attest to. It was not the only Greek family that was conveniently remembering its Greek roots now that it was politically expedient to do so. The Crisafi and their Crisafulli offshoot, supposed descendants of George Maniakes through his son had again become Chrysafis and Chrysofylloi respectively. And House Palermo, the descendants of George of Antioch, quietly went on in their work as bankers and notaries but once more did so as House Panormos.

Palermo, April 1345

The royal army under Charles III marched east once more. Charles target this time was Milazzo with its port and castle. Not unexpectedly his advance east was once more met by raids and scorched earth tactics by Theodore. But this did not suffice to stop Charles only delay him.

Macedonia, April 1345

The army of Umur moved east to join with that of Kantakouzenos in an attack of Bulgaria, where tsar Ivan Alexander had allied himself with the regency. These were welcome news for Michael Philanthropenos who could thus shift forces from the north of Thessaly. Soon an army under Ioannis Buas would advance through Eurytania to attack Naupaktos while a second army under Manuel Rallis would attack Vonitsa. Come June they two allies would deal a crushing defear to a Bulgarian ary under a Monchil.

Off Milazzo, May 1345

The despotate had managed to man 54 galleys in Sicilian waters. Against the 50 galleys Charles had managed to bring together they should had more than sufficed and the Sicilians following their victory the last year were confident of taking on their Neapolitan enemies. But the Grimaldi galleys that had joined the Neapolitans had taken the Sicilians by surprise and tipped the numbers in Angevin favor. Gryphon would manage to extricate himself losing 13 galleys. But his victory would not come cheap to Walter of Brienne who would lose 10 galleys of his own.

Limassol, May 1345

King Hugh IV dispatched a fleet of half a dozen galleys to join the Latin fleet in the Aegean. Hugh wasn't particularly interested in the campaign. But he could smell profit and the kingdom of Cyprus very much needed the support of the papacy and close connections with the Knights if it was going to survive and prospect.

Off Chios, June 1345

Michael Philanthropenos fleet of 37 galleys had been driven off by Zaccaria's 46 with the Greeks avoiding to give battle against the superior enemy numbers. The knights and the Cypriots would seize Samos, Ikaria and Kos in the following months but the fortress of Chios fought on despite the second failure to relieve the siege.

Genoa, June 1345

The Greeks came bearing gifts. Literally as Georgios Chrysafis, despot Michael's envoy offered to hire the services of Simone Vignoso's for the year. With the better part of the Grimaldi fleet having joined the Angevins, the commune did not need much persuading to agree.

Brunetta, Calabria, July 1345

Prince Andrew should had known better than get caught by surprise to the south of Castrovillari. But his army was riven by dissent within its ranks, while the Sicilians excelled in light cavalry and could count on the local population for intelligence. Andrew would lead in person his knights to break out of the trap but would still lose a quarter of his 5,000 strong army for no more than 500 Sicilian casualties.

Serres, August 1345

Stefan Dusan had put the town under siege earlier in July. Kantakouzenos and Umur could not let Serres fall without a fight and Umur moved against the Serbs. But Dusan's army would prove too much for Umur's Turks. As Dusan's recently recruited Albania light cavalry pined the Turks in place his heavy cavalry would lead a devastating charge. Four thousand Turks including Umur would fall. Serres would surrender to the Serbs two months later.

Off Messina, September 20, 1345

Charles III was again besieging the city blockading it from land and sea this time, following his capture of Milazzo earlier in the year. Theodore following the Sicilian defeat at the battle of Milazzo had not challenged the Angevins again instead taking his time for Vignoso to join him and had even ordered Philanthropenos to send west as many ships as he could counting on the Latins in the Aegean being preoccupied with the siege of Chios. But this had been how when he finally did move against the Angevins he had 87 galleys against Brienne's 58. In the ensuing battle the Sicilians and their Genoese allies would suffer close to 3,000 casualties. But the Angevin fleet would suffer over 5,000 dead with 24 galleys captured...

Chios, October 25th, 1345

If Vignoso had any qualms about fighting his fellow Genoese Zaccaria is did not show Theodore ordered his Genoese ships and his Greek squadron to the east before the weather made sailing impossible. The joint fleet under Alexios Gryphon would engage the Angevins, Knights and Cypriots with 59 ships against 46. Zaccaria would lose 12 galleys and 3,000 dead for fewer than 2,000 sicilian casualties and be forced to raise the siege of Chios.

Naples, January 10th, 1346

Prince Andrew had accused Louis of Taranto and barons loyal to him for his defeat at Brunetta claiming, perhaps not entirely without reason, that Louis had not come to his aid. It had not gone well for the Hungarian prince who had ended up assassinated by a group of knights accused by him for cowardice. His brother king Louis would not take all too well to the news despite Charles III immediately executing the knight who had done the deed...
 
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It had not gone well for the Hungarian prince who had ended up assassinated by a group of knights accused by him for cowardice. His brother king Louis would not take all too well to the news despite Charles III immediately executing the knight who had done the deed...
Oh no, what a surprise...
 
So the thin Angevine naval suprrmacy is shuttered for now . And Charles will probably be having a new enemy to deal with in Hungary. They are also at the point where unless they find a new ally at sea , they are in big trouble .
 
So, the tide has turned in favor of the Laskarids. However the Angevins and their Latin allies have suffered defeats, but not crushing ones (yet). We also have to consider the elephant in the room aka Venice, who is strangely quiet. On the other hand, Hungary will fall on Naples with a vengeance.
The Hospitalers must be crippled now, between their losses in the Chios naval battle and their financial losses due to the Florentine banking collapse. How many galleys have the Knights lost and which were their financial losses IOTL? I see them sueing forpeace rather soon.
On other topic, Umur is dead 3 years earlier than IOTL, perhaps Ioannis Kantakouzenos will fail ITTL? And perhaps the Despotate will be able to pick some territories from the collapsing Beylik of Aydin?
Durazzo, February 1345

Louis, king of Albania complained as his sister Euphemia brought him to the great galley. It was not surprising the king was just 7 years old and had spent most of the last year with doom just a few steps away as the Serbs kept pressing on with their siege of Durazzo. But now the siege was over, the Serbs had managed to break through after eleven months and
There is something missing here
 
So the thin Angevine naval suprrmacy is shuttered for now .
If there was a naval supremacy to begin with, since that's implies undisputed control of the sea, which the Angevins did not have as long as they had not crushed the Lascarid fleet, which they did not.

As matter stand, the involvement of Vignoso's Genoese galleys have restored the balance as the Lascarid galleys had been on the backfoot so far, which will allow them to conduct more offensive operations from now on, especially with Chios being relieved. But the Angevin fleet does not seem anywhere near crushed, and the control of the sea will remain heavily contested for the foreseeable future.

And Charles will probably be having a new enemy to deal with in Hungary. They are also at the point where unless they find a new ally at sea , they are in big trouble .
We also have to consider the elephant in the room aka Venice, who is strangely quiet. On the other hand, Hungary will fall on Naples with a vengeance.
That elephant will have to take into account the Hungarians before getting involved, since Venice and Louis have 'overlapping' interests in Dalmatia.
Venice could probably rent out mercenary galleys to Naples however, if Charles has the money to pay for it (which is going to be increasingly problematic I suppose), or they could rent them out to Louis (I'm not sure how things stood out between Venice and Hungary at the time, but I guess they were not too bad for Louis to cross the Adriatic and invade Naples IOTL).

A vengeance in the short term, I'm not sure.
At worst, or best, depending on whom you ask, Louis of Hungary' feud is going to be with his Tarantine cousins, not with King Charles, and Louis of Taranto is not yet married to Joanna, and even less King consort of Naples; and I doubt Charles would be stupid enough to marry his widowed heiress to Louis and put fuel in the fire of the Hungarians' fury, not while he is alive (though with plague on its way, who knows how long that will last).
Now, I guess that if Charles was to ask reinforcements, mercenaries or just funds to keep his campaigns against the Despotate afoot, he won't find any longer much help from Hungary; that will limit the options available to Angevins against Lascarids for now.

There is something missing here
Unless
 
Limassol, May 1345

King Hugh IV dispatched a fleet of half a dozen galleys to join the Latin fleet in the Aegean. Hugh wasn't particularly interested in the campaign. But he could smell profit and the kingdom of Cyprus very much needed the support of the papacy and close connections with the Knights if it was going to survive and prospect.
A decade down the line :
- Knock, knock !
- Who's there ?
- The Lascarid fleet! We'd like to return you those galleys you sent to Chios, with interests if you don't mind. Oh what a nice island you have...

Macedonia, April 1345

The army of Umur moved east to join with that of Kantakouzenos in an attack of Bulgaria, where tsar Ivan Alexander had allied himself with the regency. These were welcome news for Michael Philanthropenos who could thus shift forces from the north of Thessaly. Soon an army under Ioannis Buas would advance through Eurytania to attack Naupaktos while a second army under Manuel Rallis would attack Vonitsa. Come June they two allies would deal a crushing defear to a Bulgarian ary under a Monchil.
Serres, August 1345

Stefan Dusan had put the town under siege earlier in July. Kantakouzenos and Umur could not let Serres fall without a fight and Umur moved against the Serbs. But Dusan's army would prove too much for Umur's Turks. As Dusan's recently recruited Albania light cavalry pined the Turks in place his heavy cavalry would lead a devastating charge. Four thousand Turks including Umur would fall. Serres would surrender to the Serbs two months later.
Kantakouzenos was not too thrilled about attacking the Lascarids in the first place, unlike Umur, and between the regency, the Serbs and the Bulgars, he has a lot on his plate so he won't make any further move against Lascarid Greece I surmise.
On the other hand, the Serbs are getting closer. With the fall of Durazzo and the kingdom of Albania, they are free to march south against Ioannina and Byzantine Epirus.
 
We also have to consider the elephant in the room aka Venice, who is strangely quiet
The Venetians are currently dealing with the Revolt of Zara. Besieging Zara was a major undertaking, with at least 20,000 Venetians and mercenaries involved. It might have been before the Plague, but even so it was a major commitment for Venice. At that point, the city herself had around 100,000 people and the Terraferma was much smaller than in the 15th century. I guess most of the venetian army consisted of mercenaries, an expensive expedition that lasted 16 months.
terraferma.jpg


On other topic, Umur is dead 3 years earlier than IOTL, perhaps Ioannis Kantakouzenos will fail ITTL? And perhaps the Despotate will be able to pick some territories from the collapsing Beylik of Aydin?
I guess his brother who controlled Ephesus will be the sole heir of the beylik. However, Umur was the more active ghazi, so it is still good news.

I'm not sure how things stood out between Venice and Hungary at the time, but I guess they were not too bad for Louis to cross the Adriatic and invade Naples IOTL).
Before his invasion, he had fought with the Venetians during the Siege of Zara when he was defeated.

I think the 1347/8 invasion was overland.

At worst, or best, depending on whom you ask, Louis of Hungary' feud is going to be with his Tarantine cousins, not with King Charles, and Louis of Taranto is not yet married to Joanna, and even less King consort of Naples; and I doubt Charles would be stupid enough to marry his widowed heiress to Louis and put fuel in the fire of the Hungarians' fury, not while he is alive (though with plague on its way, who knows how long that will last).
The problem is that Louis considered Robert and his line was illegitimate from the start, since the Hungarian Angevins are the senior line.

Then there is the issue of Charles III swiftly killing the murderer. One could say that the murdered was swiftly dispatced before he could name certain people. It certainly looks suspicious. even to someone naive. And Lajos was a cynical man, the exact opposite of naive.

Prince Andrew should had known better than get caught by surprise to the south of Castrovillari. But his army was riven by dissent within its ranks, while the Sicilians excelled in light cavalry and could count on the local population for intelligence. Andrew would lead in person his knights to break out of the trap but would still lose a quarter of his 5,000 strong army for no more than 500 Sicilian casualties.
Did the lascarid pikemen took part in the battle in great numbers or was it mostly a cavalry affair?

I cannot wait to see a battle where Angevin knights clash with Lascarid pikemen.

By the way it also seems that Carlo Grimaldi won't be at Crecy.
 
What of the Company of Saint George ? IOTL they were hired by Louis of Hungary, but if someone has a good reason and pockets furnished enough to pay for their service, it would be Theodore. Paying them to invade Naples from the north would be a good diversion I suppose, and take pressure off Sicily.
 
The problem is that Louis considered Robert and his line was illegitimate from the start, since the Hungarian Angevins are the senior line.
Another way to put it, it's one thing that cousin Robert's line sits illegitimately on the throne of Naples, it's another that the man who cuckolded and murdered your brother marries his adulterous widow and sits now on what should have been his throne instead.
That's a rage level that is not quite reached here yet ITTL.
 
So after these naval engagements, of Messina and Chios, the Angevins and co have lost 8k men and 36 galleys most of them captured... Granted the Laskarids have lost themselves a lot of experienced sailors which will take some time to replace, still now the Ionian sea is purple(if the Laskarids still use that color)!
I was expecting the Agathocles maneuver to be used this time around but maybe it seems out author wants us to forget that one...

Why do I feel like the death of Umur is going to lead to the Ottomans being summoned by Katakouzenos? An earlier involvement could lead to an earlier expansion.
 
Messina, March 1345
I love how we are seeing the vespers converting to Greek names, it really gives the impression that the Lascarids are changing Sicily in their image, and the name grypaios is a very cool name ngl. I'd bet that even though the higher classes are converting a lot more often than other groups such as the people of the communes the nobles are just the forerunners of the trend due to how connected they are to the Lascarids and the original revolt.

It's also cool seeing native Sicilians starting to be mentioned to be leading the army instead of it being just Alexandros and co. It has been decades since a non-Lascarid ruled, and Alexios Philantropenos has had the time to teach a cadre of officers that would fight the biggest war the Lascarids have engaged in yet. Hell, as we see in Macedonia we have Albanians and other warlords that distinguish themselves too. I hope we get a line of generals from Achaea too, that would be cool.
Macedonia, April 1345
With the Macedonian front heavily favouring the regency and with Umur dying much earlier, I think we're going to see the Ottomans come in much earlier too and probably fighting the Serbs. I don't see Kantakozenos not getting the Ottomans on the mainland, and with Umur dead I don't see why he wouldn't do it in the first place.

This would make the Serbs a lot less able to fight, but I think the Lascarids would be forced into the conflict more and more as time goes on. Maybe Dusan fights the Lascarids in Macedonia?
Chios, October 25th, 1345
and the Latin fleet fails to crush the Lascarids.

With the hospitalars basically totalled, and Cyprus' fleet being crushed too, I don't see why the Lascarids won't go on a naval campaign after the angevins are crushed.
Naples, January 10th, 1346
and Louis gets his caucus belli to march straight into Naples.

I don't see the Lascarids not allying with Louis. They gain everything from winning the war, and their relationship with their mainland cousins are lousy anyways. It's not like the terrible actions of Louis of Hungary would make the hatred between Angevin Naples and Lascarid Sicily any worse...


the main thing I see is Louis starting a trend of the other European powers legitimising the Lascarids as the 'King of Sicily' or 'Duke of Sicily', which is always important for Lascarid actions within Europe.
 
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Did the lascarid pikemen took part in the battle in great numbers or was it mostly a cavalry affair?

I cannot wait to see a battle where Angevin knights clash with Lascarid pikemen.
Same, and it would be very fun to see.

I think the Lascarids were harassing/trying to use faster moving units in that engagement and that is why they used cavalry in the battle.
 
the main thing I see is Louis starting a trend of the other European powers legitimising the Lascarids as the 'King of Sicily' or 'Duke of Sicily', which is always important for Lascarid actions within Europe.
unfortunately, no way would King Louis recognize the Lascarids as king, they are unruly vassals that probably need to be pulled down a few notches, they might make valuable allies but most likely not. Best case, Louis ignores Sicily and treats them as inconsequential, worst he decides they also need to go if he wants to install his guy(or himself) on the throne and the Vatatzes have a bunch of land that belongs to the Angevins. . .
 
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